Wednesday, December 29, 2010

End slavery, protect rights of migrant workers

Malaysiakini News

Malaysia is the largest receiving country of migrants within Asean and one of the biggest for transborder recruitment of workers in Asia. Almost one out of every three workers in the country is a migrant worker. In spit of political leaders stating over and over that we will not continue to rely on migrant workers, the truth is the number of workers has increased and the demand for migrant workers is growing.
Last week, the deputy prime minister in his address to KIMMA, a political party assured them that the government will approve the recruitment of 45,000 workers from India for the Indian Muslim restaurants.
The service sector through the retailers association in Sabah has called for the government to stop deportation of workers from Sabah. Yes we will continue to rely more and more on migrant labour and it is a myth to believe it will be otherwise. In fact, it is migrants who provide us the economic security today.
December 18 is International Migrant's Day where the world and the United Nations recognise the contribution of migrants to a country's development. But where does Malaysia stand in this recognition?
Two Amnesty International reports released this year, 'Trapped' and 'Blow to Humanity' reveal the exploitative and violent nature in the treatment of migrant workers to the point of using whipping as a tool of torture for control of migrants.
Tenaganita's experience during the last three years reveals the treatment of migrants to be equivalent to a form of modern day slavery supported by an oppressive policy framework that denies access to justice and redress.
The organisation through its work in case management between the years 2008 - 2010 handled complaints from a total of 7,083 migrant workers. Out of these migrants, 6,001 workers were recruited and placed under outsourcing companies.
All of the migrant workers' passports were held by the employer or the outsourcing company, thereby controlling the movement of the migrant worker. Out of this total, 6,772 workers did not have any work to do and thus cheated by the agent and the outsourcing companies. This form of rights violation reveals over-recruitment of workers and approval of work permits without proper scrutiny and verification of work demand in the country.
It is equally alarming that the cases reveal that 5,260 workers had not received any wages for the work they had done and the work permits of 1,028 workers were not renewed. This non-renewal of work permit makes the migrant worker undocumented and thus open to arrest, detention, whipping an deportation. Over 900 workers have complained that violence was used when they asked for wages or brought up a problem like health to their employer or agent.

Gov't blind or complicit?

The above statistics should be an alarm bell for the government to wake up to the serious human rights violations of migrant workers. But the government agencies, in particular, the Immigration department, the Police and the Labour Department have denied the workers their right to redress.
Less than 10 percent of the workers could get back some wages and return. 90 percent of the workers were forced to return due to fear of arrest, unable to sustain themselves or were arrested and deported.
All the workers whose passports were held by the employer or the recruitment agency made police reports but no investigations were done although it was an offence to hold the passport of another person under the Passports Act. No employer nor recruitment agency have been punished under this Act.
The Immigration department has a policy where the worker can renew his special pass for three months only and if his case is yet to be settled, he has to leave the country, and return when the court case resumes under his own expenses. Many of the workers did not even have the passport to get a special visa. Their employers had immediately cancelled the work permit when the worker left the workplace to lodge a complaint against the employer.
All the workers who were recruited and placed under outsourcing companies paid the recruitment agency in the source country like Bangladesh and Nepal between RM9,000 - 15,000 for the work in Malaysia. The workers took loans to get the job here and yet 6,772 workers from Tenaganita's case files did not have any work. The workers were in a debt bondage situation, cheated by the outsourcing companies through the support of Malaysia's government machinery, the Home Ministry.
The issuance of work permits and calling visas freely without proper verification by the Home Ministry requires serious explanations from the Minister. Earlier this year during the trial of Wahid Md Don, the former director general of immigration for corruption, witnesses in the trial stated that the money paid for visas was for political financing.

One witness had paid more than RM 1.2 million. Tenaganita's investigations reveal that recruitment agencies had to pay up to RM2,000 for every visa to the Immigration department officials as part of “processing” fees. The rapid registration of over 200 outsourcing companies in 2006 and 2007 and mass recruitment of over 300,000 Bangladeshi workers in 2006 and 2007 and 2008 prior to the 12th general election, fits the puzzle of money from poor migrant workers used for political financing to maintain an oppressive regime.

Modern day slavery

Domestic workers are another group of workers who remain unrecognised as workers but defined as servants. In spite of trade unions, the Bar Council, Tenaganita and other civil society organisations repeatedly calling the government to give a paid day off once a week, for a decent minimum wage, passports to be held by domestic workers and a proper standardised contract, the government wants to continue to keep a legal, policy framework that is exploitative and places the domestic worker in a condition of slavery, unprotected in private domain.

The Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) with Indonesia remains in limbo for the sole reason that Indonesia wants the basic rights of its workers with a decent wage to be respected and defined in the MOU.

Therefore what we see, from our case management is that migrant workers are in a state of bonded labor, forced to work because of debt bondage or the work permit disallows them to move to another employer and thus forced to work in abusive and exploitative work conditions.

The Malaysian government has also failed to heed the call by civil society and trade unions for a comprehensive policy on the recruitment, placement and employment of migrant workers in the country. It has also yet to come out with a decent minimum wage structure. The exploitation and abuse of migrants has been further compounded with subcontracting of labor and deregulation of labour where thousands of workers have been excluded from protection of rights.

The legal framework and the lack of clear policies with perceptions that migrants are a national security threat has increased the vulnerability of migrants to being arrested, detained and deported, to being discriminated, their rights violated with impunity and consequently forced to submit to such conditions of work which constitute modern day slavery.

“While we commend the government for the enactment of the Anti Trafficking in Person's Act with amendments made to recognise labour officers as enforcers of the Act, this Act will remain window dressing and a public relations exercise if there is no commitment to put into place a comprehensive policy framework with an end to corruption and introducing clear mechanisms and oversight for good governance in migration.

There is an imminent need to end the practices of slavery and the slave market for profits, political gain to power and corruption that will destroy this country's economic development and sustainability. If the government is committed to the building of a singular Asean community by 2015, it must respect fundamental human rights of all migrant workers with decent work and decent wage.

Irene Fernandez is executive director.of NGO Tenaganita.

Saturday, December 25, 2010

Joy to the World, the Lord is Come!

Joy to the World , the Lord is come!
Let earth receive her King;
Let every heart prepare Him room,
And Heaven and nature sing,
And Heaven and nature sing,
And Heaven, and Heaven, and nature sing.

Joy to the World, the Savior reigns!
Let men their songs employ;
While fields and floods, rocks, hills and plains
Repeat the sounding joy,
Repeat the sounding joy,
Repeat, repeat, the sounding joy.

No more let sins and sorrows grow,
Nor thorns infest the ground;
He comes to make His blessings flow
Far as the curse is found,
Far as the curse is found,
Far as, far as, the curse is found.

He rules the world with truth and grace,
And makes the nations prove
The glories of His righteousness,
And wonders of His love,
And wonders of His love,
And wonders, wonders, of His love.

Sunday, December 19, 2010

Caning continues

Punishment remains despite international pressure

Malay Mail


KUALA LUMPUR: Caning will remain as a form of punishment in Malaysia as the government sees no hurry to review the controversial practice.
Datuk Seri Nazri Aziz, the minister in charge of law affairs, said the matter had not been raised at the Cabinet level.
“It (judicial caning) remains for now. If it needs to be reviewed, it will be discussed in Cabinet, but it has not been brought up. We’ll just wait and see,” he told The Malay Mail.
The Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department was responding to a call made by human rights group Amnesty International urging Malaysia to abolish the punishment.
Amnesty’s Asia-Pacific programme researcher Lance Latigg had told a Press conference here the practice was a “severe violation of human rights”.
The London-based group, in its recently released book A Blow to Humanity: Torture by Judicial Caning in Malaysia, claimed up to 10,000 prisoners in Malaysia were caned every year, with 6,000 being illegal immigrants from neighbouring countries.The group also urged neighbouring countries such as Indonesia to pressure Malaysia into abolishing judicial caning.
Nazri, however, said Amnesty could lobby for other countries to pressure Malaysia.
“Latigg spoke to me. He said he would raise this issue with Indonesia and other countries. That is not a problem. They have every right to do so. However, only we have the right to make decisions in this country. Other people cannot dictate that to us.”
Malaysia attracted international attention after Kartika Sari Dewi Shukarno, a Muslim woman, was sentenced to six strokes of the rotan and a fine last year for consuming alcohol in public. The case received hostile response, especially from human rights groups and women’s rights activists. Kartika’s sentence was eventually reduced to community service.
Singapore too attracted widespread condemnation in 1994 when American teenager Michael Fay, then 18, was sentenced to six lashes upon pleading guilty to vandalism after confessing to spray-painting and tossing eggs at several vehicles.

Spare the whip, say NGOs

KUALA LUMPUR: Human rights activists want the government to abolish caning as a form of  punishment.
Non-governmental organisations (NGOs) told The Malay Mail they were opposed to de facto law minister Datuk Seri Nazri Aziz's stand on continuing with caning sentences.
Human Rights Commission of Malaysia (Suhakam) commissioner Muhammad Sha'ani Abdullah said: "Malaysia, as a member of the United Nations (UN) Human Rights Council, is expected to ratify and comply with international human rights conventions, so the argument that Malaysia adopts 'progressive realisation' is not a reasonable defence to delay ratification of conventions against torture.
"There is no advantage for Malaysia in avoiding the ratification, and it is also in line with the government's 'People First, Performance Now' promise."
Tenaganita director Irene Fernandez, whose organisation promotes the rights of women, migrants and refugees, said: "We have said for a long time that caning is wrong. Caning has become a tool of torture. We believe offences under the Immigration Act is not crime as offenders usually had no proper documents or overstayed. Caning of such offenders is not just unfair, it is torture.
"Back when the law against human trafficking was enacted, there was no whipping punishment for traffickers. At the time, Nazri himself said there was no whipping because according to the UN, it is wrong. So, caning as a form of punishment should be abolished."
Suara Rakyat Malaysia (Suaram) chairman K. Arumugam said: "We support Amnesty International's call for Malaysia to abolish caning. Suaram is against capital and corporal punishment as it is contrary to our constitutional guarantee of the right to life."

Wednesday, December 15, 2010

US embassy cables: Burma's democracy movement being held back by 'uncles'

The Guardian

Monday, 14 July 2008, 06:56
C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 04 RANGOON 000557
SIPDIS
DEPT FOR EAP/MLS, DRL, AND IO
PACOM FOR FPA
EO 12958 DECL: 07/13/2018
TAGS PGOV, PREL, PHUM, BM
SUBJECT: CONTINUING THE PURSUIT OF DEMOCRACY IN BURMA
RANGOON 00000557 001.2 OF 004
Classified By: P/E Chief Leslie Hayden for Reasons 1.4 (b) & (d)

1. (SBU) Embassy Rangoon pol/econ chief departs Post this week after ending a two-year tour that saw the largest political uprising in Burma in twenty years, the arrest and imprisonment of the pro-democracy opposition's most talented leaders, and the worst natural disaster in Burma's recorded history. We asked her to share her candid observations on the current political situation, and her recommendations on how best to advance our democratic goals.
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The Senior Generals
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2. (C) The Burma army remains firmly in control throughout most of the country, with Senior General Than Shwe retaining almost absolute power. He has the final word on all significant political and economic decisions. While outsiders may portray him as an uneducated, crass, and blundering man, he has successfully consolidated and held onto power for several years, while at the same time building lucrative relationships with his energy hungry neighbors that undermine Western efforts to cripple his regime.

3. (C) The generals keep their power through a vast system of economic patronage, not unlike a Western style Mafia. Military-owned enterprises control every profit-making natural resource and industry in the country. Economic prosperity can only be enjoyed by rising thorough the ranks of the Army, or having extremely close ties to the senior generals. This is why China's urging to the generals to begin reforming Burma's economy falls on deaf ears. Economic liberalization and reform would require the generals to dismantle the very system that ensures their power. Dismantling this system will be one of the biggest challenges for any future democratic leader of Burma.

4. (C) Rumors of splits at the top of the regime are the result of uninformed analysis and wishful thinking of the exiles and outside observers. While the senior generals may disagree from time-to-time amongst themselves (as witnessed after Nargis), they follow the orders of Than Shwe. The senior generals are keenly aware that if they do not stand together, they will fall together. True democratic change will not likely happen until the top two generals, Than Shwe and Maung Aye, are off the scene. Both are extremely concerned for the safety and financial security of themselves and their families. Third-ranking general Thura Shwe Mann is rumored to be Than Shwe's pick for Burma's President in 2010, but if Than Shwe and Maung Aye are still alive, they will likely pull his strings from behind the scenes. Sources close to Thura Shwe Mann tell us he is smart, sophisticated, and well-aware of Burma's problems. Some talented Burmese intellectuals and political dissidents tell us they pass him policy papers that are reportedly solicited on his behalf. However, he is intimately involved in Burma's corruption, primarily through his sons' business interests.

5. (C) Several of our sources close to high and mid-ranking military officers tell us that some of the regional commanders are reform-minded and aware of the need for political and economic reform. However, most of the military believe that working within Burma's current military system is the only way to bring about this change while maintaining stability. While some officers begrudgingly respect Aung San Suu Kyi, they do not sympathize with the pro-democracy opposition in general. We should not expect an imminent coup to save us from the hard-line senior generals.
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Aung San Suu Kyi and the Pro-Democracy Movement
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6. (C) Since the September protests, the most dynamic and talented leaders of Burma's pro-democracy movement have been jailed, left the country, or remain in hiding. Tellingly, the NLD remain free. While many outside Burma perpetuate the

RANGOON 00000557 002.2 OF 004

impression of Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) party as a large movement with massive support waiting to take the Parliamentary seats they won in the 1990 election, the reality is quite different. Without a doubt, Aung San Suu Kyi remains a popular and beloved figure of the Burman majority, but this status is not enjoyed by her party. Already frustrated with the sclerotic leadership of the elderly NLD "Uncles", the party lost even more credibility within the pro-democracy movement when its leaders refused to support the demonstrators last September, and even publicly criticized them.

7. (C) Many of the younger political activists are turning away from the NLD and preparing to run in the 2010 parliamentary elections, to effect political change any way they can. This includes members of 88 Generation. There is reportedly an ongoing, heated debate among the 88 Generation leaders in Insein prison on whether or not the groups' members should contest the election, with Ko Ko Gyi advocating members do so, and Min Ko Naing opting for a boycott. Those who want to run tell us they do not agree with the new constitution and despise the regime's roadmap to democracy. However, with the absence of any alternative, they see the new Parliament as a possible mechanism for dialogue between the military, the pro-democracy opposition, and the ethnic cease-fire groups.

8. (C) The way the Uncles run the NLD indicates the party is not the last great hope for democracy and Burma. The Party is strictly hierarchical, new ideas are not solicited or encouraged from younger members, and the Uncles regularly expel members they believe are "too active." NLD youth repeatedly complain to us they are frustrated with the party leaders. Repeated overtures from and "summits" with the leaders of the 88 Generation in 2007 failed to result in any significant cooperation between the factions. Indeed, lack of unity among the pro-democracy opposition remains one of the biggest obstacles to democratic change in Burma.

9. (C) The "Uncles" have repeatedly rebuffed the most dynamic and creative members of the pro-democracy opposition, who reinvigorated the pro-democracy movement throughout 2006 and 2007 by strategically working to promote change through grass-roots human rights and political awareness and highlighting the regime's economic mismanagement. Nor has the party made any effort to join forces with the technically sophisticated bloggers and young, internet-savvy activists, who have been so clever at getting out the images which repeatedly damaged the regime and undermined its international credibility. Instead, the Uncles spend endless hours discussing their entitlements from the 1990 elections and abstract policy which they are in no position to enact. XXXXXXXXXXXX Additionally, most MPs-elect show little concern for the social and economic plight of most Burmese, and therefore, most Burmese regard them as irrelevant.
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The Ethnic Cease-Fire Groups
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10. (C) The cease-fire groups remain an important component of Burma's future political stability and it is noteworthy that none have chosen to support Aung San Suu Kyi and her party. Instead, they have entered dialogue with the regime, at the same time cutting lucrative concession deals for many of groups' leaders. However, many leaders of the cease-fire groups have told us they would cast their lot with whomever best looked out for their interests. However badly the regime does this, the NLD has repeatedly missed opportunities to reach out to the cease-fire groups to demonstrate that they would. Instead, it has consistently issued statements calling for a dialogue between the NLD and regime first, before the ethnic cease-fire groups are brought into the mix. They have also continually feuded with ethnic MPs-elect on the Committee to Represent the People's Parliament (CRPP).

RANGOON 00000557 003.2 OF 004

11. (C) It is these long-held ethnic tensions that has kept the cease-fire groups from defecting from their dialogue with the regime to form an alliance with the NLD. Many of Burma's neighbors, including China, are aware of the tension between the NLD and the ethnic nationalities. The NLD's continuing alienation of the ethnic minority groups gives credence to the regime's most effective argument with its neighbors and ASEAN: that the military is the only force capable of guaranteeing stability in Burma.

12. (C) The recent statement Aung San Suu Kyi released through UN Special Envoy Gambari indicated she is aware of this problem and wants to rectify it. The overture she offered to the ethnic nationalities was welcomed by the cease-fire group leaders with whom we spoke. But her party failed to follow up on her initiative and issued only a half-hearted invitation for the ethnic leaders to visit them at NLD headquarters in Rangoon. Once again, they reduced the role of the ethnics to second-class supplicants. The timing of ASSK's statement was strategic: just before the referendum on a constitution, which many of the cease-fire groups were unhappy with because the regime had failed to include key compromises promised by former PM Khin Nyunt before his ouster. A genuine overture from the NLD offered the best chance yet to split the cease-fire groups from the regime and undermine its credibility with its regional supporters. The Uncles failed to use this opportunity, so the cease-fire groups continue their relationship with the regime.
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Where do We Go From Here?
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13. (C) Throughout the country, there is still widespread and growing frustration with the regime for its brutal and incompetent rule. Though most Burmese do not believe the NLD will be able to bring about democratic change, at least while ASSK is under house arrest, they have not given up on working for democracy. Instead, they are taking matters into their own hands and creatively working in what space is available to improve the lives of their communities.

14. (C) Like the many community-based organizations (CBOs), religious organizations, and civil society groups that responded to Cyclone Nargis while the international community was shut out, many dissidents and ordinary Burmese are creatively trying to incorporate democratic principles into their civil society programs, including private-tuition schools, environmental programs, health education, and religious organizations. Through this process, change will come about more slowly than most want, but it is a channel that functions where most other options were shut down by the regime after the September 2007 demonstrations. It is also a method that promotes change from the grass roots, teaching community responsibility at the local level, rather than a top-down movement by the urban, intellectual elite. A strong civil society is something we should seek and encourage in Burma. It will make any democratic transition in Burma more likely to succeed.

15. (C) Ending Burma's isolation will also be integral to any successful long-term change in the country. No matter how democratic transition comes about in Burma, the military will be involved given its vast control over the political and economic structures of the country. We should make an effort to seek out and speak with the more progressive military officers and to those who have access to the senior generals. Their hostility to democratic change is motivated by paranoia and distrust of the West, and a belief that we seek to punish them and obliterate a significant role for them in Burma's future. If we want to counter this, we should pursue dialogue directly with them rather than through intermediaries who can sometimes garble messages.

16. (C) If we do decide to speak with the generals again, we should do it strategically. Dialogue could be used as a tool to bring the generals into the twenty-first century.

RANGOON 00000557 004.2 OF 004

Discussions could take place on the margins of international fora, exposing them to the outside world and its diplomatic norms, juxtaposing Burma's backwardness against the modern world, which could cause greater realization among the generals about their country's lack of development. Careful preparation could be made before such events to make sure Burma's neighbors send the same messages to the generals during their bilateral meetings. Such unity of message was extremely effective in persuading the regime to open up to international assistance after Cyclone Nargis.
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Give a Little, Get a Little
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17. (C) While our economic sanctions give us the moral high-ground, they are largely ineffective because they are not comprehensive. Burma's biggest client states refuse to participate in them. However, the generals despise the sanctions and want them removed because they challenge the regime's legitimacy. If we really want to see the generals make progress, we need to show them what they will get in return. This means being willing to gradually remove sanctions in exchange for true steps toward dialogue and political change.

18. (C) We should start small and hold them to real action (unlike the sham dialogue they purported to initiate with Aung San Suu Kyi last November). If they do make concrete progress, we should be ready to offer them something. For instance, removing them from Tier 3 on the Trafficking in Persons rankings, or taking them off the Narcotics Majors list, areas where the regime has actually made some progress. This should be a gradual process that would be based only on the condition of concrete results. Large rewards should come only with large compromises, such as lifting the visa ban if they release Aung San Suu Kyi. We may also want to consider putting security guarantees on the table for the most senior generals and their families if we are serious about removing them from the scene. As we move toward the 2010 parliamentary elections, it may be a strategic time to begin talks with them about such an agreement. Allowing international election monitors, lifting laws that restrict free and fair debate, and freeing key political prisoners could be tied to lifting specific sanctions.

19. (C) While talking to the generals may be unpalatable, their firm control over Burma and the weakness of the pro-democracy opposition are a reality we must consider when working to promote change in Burma. The prospect for democratic change in the near future is low, but despite the setbacks after the September demonstrations, there is hope change may eventually come. After many years of waiting for the outside world to help free them from the generals' despotic rule, many Burmese are finding creative ways to take control of their country through community-based organizations and building the capacity of civil society. Through these organizations, leaders may emerge who will run in the 2010 elections and work for democratic change.

20. (C) We should seek every opportunity to support and increase the capacity of Burma's nascent civil society by expanding humanitarian assistance inside the country that promotes self-reliance, conflict resolution, and respect for human rights. Such a policy will have the added benefit of expanding our influence and increasing our access throughout the country. Not only will this approach increase our knowledge of the subtle changes occurring inside Burma, but it will strengthen our position and influence inside when change does come, so we can assist the Burmese to reform their political and economic systems in a manner that best promotes U.S. economic and strategic interests. Above all, our Burma policy should be focused on helping those Burmese who are working to bring about democratic change themselves, for that is the only way it can realistically come. VILLAROSA

Saturday, December 11, 2010

Advocating children's rights

thestar online

Children’s rights take the spotlight at this year’s Human Rights Day celebration in Malaysia, which falls today.

IN an ideal world, parents and guardians of children function as their protectors. Yet the cruel reality is that parents themselves can turn out to be a child’s worst nightmare, either through outright physical abuse or more subtle, but no less hurtful, forms of abuse ranging from neglect to emotional abuse.
“It is sad that we see that in many cases of abuse, the perpetrators are the parents themselves. But there is not enough analysis on why that happens,” said Datin Paduka Marina Mahathir, who was roped in by the United Nations Children’s Fund (Unicef) to be one of the advocates for this year’s campaign targeting child abuse called “Get On Board”.
“When I read child abuse cases in the newspapers, I automatically look at the ages of the parents. Invariably, they are young, mostly in their 20s, and they tend to have not just one child, but several. And when you look at the age of their eldest child, you can see that they had the child very early in life, dating back to their teenage years,” said Marina in an interview at Wisma UN, Kuala Lumpur, on Monday.

“The 20s are a time of enjoyment, of exploration, of having fun with your friends. But when you have to handle a crying child at home, among other responsibilities that come with being a parent, it is understandable that frustrations can arise,” said Marina, a mother of three who is quick to add that this is not to imply that all young parents will end up being child abusers.
“Parenting is a huge responsibility, even if you get married in your 30s. Imagine if you are still somewhat a child yourself,” said Marina in addressing the issue of marrying young.
The United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child as well as Malaysia’s Child Act 2001 both state that a child is anyone under 18 years old. Just last Saturday, the wedding of 14-year-old Siti Maryam Mahmod to a 23-year-old teacher was celebrated at the Federal Territory Mosque in Kuala Lumpur, along with 249 other couples. The groom is described as a family friend, and apparently, the girl’s parents liked him very much to the extent they decided to “matchmake” them.
To the Government’s credit, it has made known its stand that it does not condone child marriages – or at least, this is what Women, Family and Community Development Minister Datuk Seri Shahrizat Abdul Jalil had said when asked about the latest incident. She remarked that Siti Maryam is still a child, even though she may have the Syariah Court’s permission to get married, and that the Government will look into the matter. Currently, Muslim girls below 16 can marry with the Syariah Court’s consent while non-Muslim girls between 16 and 18 can marry with the approval of the Mentri Besar or Chief Minister.
Marina was more forthright: “Such marriages constitute a form of abuse, and I hope that Shahrizat holds her ground. The act of marrying off a child is denying a child his or her complete childhood. And children having children, this is a form of abuse as well.
“The best thing is to ban people from marrying too young on the basis that they are not yet ready for it. People may say they are ready, but I don’t think that is the case,” said Marina, who is also distressed at the lack of public outrage surrounding the latest publicised case of child marriage.
“Back in our grandparents’ era, people did get married young, but child marriages are things that you normally associate with backward, developing countries. But here, it seems that child/teen marriages are something worthy of celebration when in fact they should be banned.
“When I was a teen, it was ingrained in our minds that being pregnant at that age will spoil your entire life. Now people talk as if marrying is so easy and convenient. Why are we so proud of this when we should be embarrassed?”
The way forward for our children and teens is to equip them with the right kind of knowledge about biology, social skills, and other skills necessary to cope with the turbulence of teenage years.
“The teenage years are fraught with various challenges for both boys and girls. We have to teach them how to manage this transition, as it is a confusing time, even for boys. If we don’t equip our children with the right kind of education and sufficient education, then we cannot complain, and should just accept that teen pregnancy will continue unabated,” said Marina.
“How you get pregnant is also how you get sexually transmitted diseases. But how not to get pregnant is also just as important,” she said.
Marina said that the various ministries and departments still have a silo mentality when it comes to imparting knowledge about sexuality to the young. “It encompasses areas ranging from education to health to gender rights. We also need the voice of young people as their input is important.”
She added that the topic of boy-girl relationship remains an evergreen issue. “It is the most popular topic for the audience of 3R,” said Marina, who pioneered the television pro­­gramme more than 10 years ago. 3R, which stands for Respect Relax Respond, is an award-winning programme that addresses a range of issues affecting the young – like family ties, careers, romantic relationships, sexuality, and substance abuse, among many others.
“Education empowers, and if we don’t have enough information, we will make the wrong choice, but I think getting married (very young) ranks among the worst choices,” she said in response to the tendency of some quarters to prescribe marriage as the solution to a range of problems ranging from teen pregnancy to baby dumping and promiscuity.
Things might change for the better though, as by next year, all schoolchildren will be taught sex education as a standalone subject, instead of as part of other subjects. On Monday, Deputy Education Minister Datuk Dr Puad Zarkashi told reporters at the Parliament lobby that the subject would be called Reproductive Health and Social Education, or PEERS (Pendidikan Kesihatan Reproduktif dan Social).
PEERS, which will cover topics ranging from personal hygiene to self-respect and negotiation skills, like how to say no (not just to sex, but a variety of things like smoking, alcohol and drugs), will be taught for 30 minutes a week in primary schools and 40 minutes twice a month in secondary schools. For those who still wonder whether this is the real deal, Puad revealed that the subject is intentionally not called “sex education” as most Malaysians still find that term too loaded.
On the wider issue of child abuse, Unicef said that with an average of seven cases of abuse reported each day in 2008, more needs to be done to unearth what is believed to be many more hidden cases, especially instances where the child may not display any physical signs of being abused. For that, the agency recommends that people get in touch with the National Population and Family Development Board (LPPKN) through http://www.lppkn.gov.my/or call the hotline 15999.

Regardless of location, everyone will have the chance to speak up against all forms of child abuse this month. Hosted by Unicef, the Get On Board campaign is currently running at .uniteagainstabuse.my. The digital signatures collected there will be presented to the Govern­ment to petition for further action to raise awareness about the issue so that the rights of children can be safeguarded.
The theme for Human Rights Day 2010 is Speak Up, Stop Discrimination.

More information can be found at www.un.org/en/events/humanrightsday/2010/

Wednesday, December 8, 2010

279 Killings, 113 Indonesian Deaths by Malaysian Police Horrify Activists

Jakarta Globe, AFP & Antara

Jakarta. Malaysian rights activists on Saturday demanded action over the “horrifying” number of killings by police, including 113 Indonesians out of a total of 279 killed over the past decade.
“These are extrajudicial killings. The numbers are very significant. It is a major shock to us,” R. Sivarasa, a human rights lawyer and opposition lawmaker, told a press conference organized by leading rights group Suaram.
The group cited police data produced during a recent trial that showed 279 alleged criminals, including 61 ethnic Malaysian Indians, 42 Malay Muslims and 113 Indonesians, were shot dead over a period of nine years from 2000, leading to charges that certain ethnic groups were being particularly targeted.
Nine people were killed by the police in 2000 and the number surged to 88 in 2009.
N. Surendran, an activist with Lawyers for Liberty, said police were too quick to open fire.
“There is a sense of shock and horror among the public. People are upset. Without a doubt the police force has members who are trigger-happy, with a culture to shoot to kill,” he said.
Surendran urged the Malaysian government to intervene and “urgently put an end” to the killings, calling 279 deaths “excessively high.”
The Indonesian Embassy in Kuala Lumpur, when contacted by the Jakarta Globe, said that it was not aware of the report.
However, Choirul Hadi, from the Indonesian Migrant Workers Union (SBMI), said he had heard information about Indonesian migrant workers who were shot dead by the police in Malaysia.
“They were shot after being suspected of smuggling drugs,” he told the Globe, although he could not provide any numbers. He did question the self-defense claim from the Malaysian police, since the victims were not “high-level smugglers but only couriers who did not carry weapons.”
Earlier this year, a team from the National Police traveled to Malaysia to investigate the case of three migrant workers allegedly shot to death by Malaysian police in March.
Dai Bachtiar, the Indonesian ambassador to Malaysia, said he had received reports that the three workers — identified as Musdi, Abd Sanu and Muhlis — had been shot by police.
They were reportedly driving a sedan and crashed it into a police car.
Malaysian media have reported that Selangor Police Chief Khalid Abu Bakar said the three Indonesians were shot on March 16 because they had threatened police with weapons.
Meanwhile, Indonesian and Malaysian officials discussed migrant worker issues during the two-day meeting of their joint commission for bilateral cooperation in Bali.
The Foreign Affairs Ministry’s director general for Asian Pacific and African affairs, Hamzah Thayeb, said on Tuesday that officials from both countries stated their commitment to solve problems with migrant workers together, by agreeing to try to collect data on all Indonesians working in Malaysia.
“Unfortunately, most Indonesian workers who are facing legal problems or are being abused by their employer in Malaysia are actually illegal workers. That’s why we find it difficult to locate them or provide services to them,” Hamzah said.

Tuesday, December 7, 2010

Human rights advocates decry Malaysia's caning punishment as torture

Source: dscriber


In Malaysia, more than 60 offenses, including illegal immigration, are punishable by a harsh caning. Though a doctor is made available to those who are bound to a cross and struck in the bare buttocks by an officer wielding a long cane like a bat, some of those who have received the cane wonder why. Rawi, an Indonesian migrant caned earlier this year, told the human rights group Amnesty International that "the doctor asked me if I had a passport. I said, 'Yes, but not with me.' The doctor then smiled. The doctor smiled at me in a mocking way. This made me feel pain in my heart.”
That physicians are helping to facilitate what Amnesty alleges is a growing trend in caning "makes them complicit in this human rights violation." "This is in violation not only of international human rights law in general, but also of internationally recognized codes of medical ethics," Amnesty said in a report released today, calling on the Malaysian government to immediately halt the canings that are carried out on thousands of criminals each year, leaving not only physical scars, but deep psychological wounds.
Compounding problems are new strict immigration rules in Malaysia that have left tens of thousands of refugees and migrant workers on the wrong side of the law.
The practice dates to the 1800s, when Malaysia was a British colony. According to Amnesty, a cane may rip open a person's skin, damaging muscle fibers. "The pain is so severe that victims often lose consciousness."
Amnesty points out that corporal punishment for prisoners is banned under international law. As such, Malaysian officials and employees could be open to prosecution for torture crimes. However, the country has not ratified the United Nations Convention Against Torture, the optional protocol, and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.

Thursday, December 2, 2010

Suu Kyi calls on Thailand to be kind to refugees

asiaone news

Burma's pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi yesterday called on Thais to be kind to migrants and refugees from her country.
"We know it is not easy for Thailand to cope with the situation, but we would so appreciate it if you could do what you can for them," she said in a phone interview with Bangkok-based Thai-Asean News Network.
Thailand has been sheltering more than 100,000 Burmese refugees for over two decades, and about 2 million migrants from the country currently have jobs in the Kingdom. Recently, more Burmese people have fled to Thailand as troops fight with armed ethnic groups along the border.
Suu Kyi, who was released from house arrest early this month, expressed her gratitude to Thais for helping the Burmese people.
"We would like you to know that we wish to be your good friend and good neighbour," she said.
She also spoke to fellow citizens in Thailand and promised they would not be forgotten, and that she would do what she could to bring them back home as soon as possible.
Suu Kyi also called on the government to not just engage with her country's ruling junta, but also the opposition, which is working to bring democracy into the country.
"We would very much like all governments to engage with not just the government of Burma, but also with us," she said.
The Burmese opposition leader, who won the Nobel prize for her dedication to democracy in a military-ruled country, is now trying to get her National League for Democracy (NLD) party to play a significant role in the country's politics.
The immediate task, though, was for the party to re-register because officials dissolved it for failing to comply with the new political party law and refusing to take part in the November 7 election, she said.
Another task would be for the party to reach out to the younger generation and encourage them to play a bigger role in the struggle for democracy, Suu Kyi said.
The political atmosphere in Burma changed a lot while she was in detention and one of the most important changes was that the new generation was paying more attention to politics and joining the NLD, she said.
The party plans to build a network of young people across the country and encourage them to work for democracy, she said.

-The Nation/Asia News Network